Ankara, October 12, 2025 – In a landmark display of bilateral diplomacy, high-ranking officials from Türkiye and Syria convened in Ankara on Sunday for intensive talks aimed at forging deeper security cooperation amid a fragile regional landscape. The meeting, held at the Turkish Foreign Ministry's headquarters, brought together Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, Defense Minister Yaşar Güler, and National Intelligence Organization (MİT) Chief İbrahim Kalın with their Syrian counterparts: Foreign Minister Asaad Hassan al-Shaibani, Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra, and General Intelligence Chief Hussein al-Salameh. According to diplomatic sources close to the discussions, the agenda centered on bolstering joint efforts against terrorism, securing the shared 911-kilometer border, and addressing recent escalations in northeastern Syria.
The summit unfolds against the backdrop of Syria's transitional government, which assumed power following the dramatic overthrow of Bashar al-Assad's regime in late 2024 by a coalition of rebel forces led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). This upheaval, which ended over a decade of civil war, has reshaped alliances across the Middle East, positioning Türkiye as a pivotal supporter of the new Damascus administration. Ankara, long a backer of Syrian opposition groups, views the post-Assad era as an opportunity to neutralize threats from Kurdish militias in northern Syria—groups it designates as terrorists due to their ties to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)—while fostering economic and security integration.
Following the closed-door sessions, which lasted over four hours, Fidan addressed reporters outside the ministry, emphasizing the inseparability of the two nations' security imperatives. "We do not see Syria’s security as separate from Türkiye’s. We will continue to provide all kinds of support to our Syrian brothers on this path," he stated, underscoring Ankara's commitment to the transitional process. Fidan highlighted that the talks enabled a "thorough examination of the strategic dimensions" of Turkish-Syrian relations, including operational plans to safeguard Syria's territorial integrity and counter external threats. He affirmed that both sides had agreed to "strengthen our close coordination and cooperation to preserve and advance Syria’s gains," a nod to the fragile ceasefires holding in contested areas.
On the Syrian side, al-Shaibani echoed these sentiments in a joint briefing, describing the dialogue as a "significant new milestone" in bilateral ties. The delegation, which arrived in Ankara late Saturday aboard a chartered flight from Damascus, focused on practical measures such as intelligence sharing, joint military training exercises, and enhanced border patrols to stem cross-border militancy. Abu Qasra, the Syrian defense minister, praised the discussions as a step toward "establishing security and stability in the region," particularly along the volatile Turkish-Syrian frontier where smuggling, refugee flows, and insurgent activities persist. Al-Salameh, whose intelligence apparatus has roots in the former rebel networks, reportedly briefed his Turkish counterparts on intelligence gathered from recent operations against ISIS remnants in eastern Syria.
The timing of the Ankara summit is no coincidence. Just five days prior, on October 7, Syrian Defense Minister Abu Qasra and U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) commander Mazloum Abdi announced a comprehensive ceasefire across northern and northeastern Syria, halting clashes that had displaced thousands and threatened to unravel the post-Assad stabilization efforts. Türkiye, which maintains a military presence in northern Syria through operations like Olive Branch and Peace Spring, has repeatedly urged the SDF to abandon what it calls a "separatist agenda" and integrate into the national framework under Damascus. Fidan reiterated this stance during the talks, linking the ceasefire to broader counterterrorism goals. "There is no place for terrorist organizations in the new Syria," he said, in a veiled reference to both PKK-linked groups and jihadist holdouts.
This gathering builds on a series of diplomatic overtures since the regime change. In February 2025, Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa—formerly known as Abu Mohammed al-Julani—visited Ankara for his first official trip, meeting President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to outline a roadmap for normalization. Subsequent visits, including Kalın's discreet trip to Damascus in December 2024, laid the groundwork for intelligence collaboration. By January 2025, al-Shaibani had already traveled to the Turkish capital, where he met Erdoğan and stressed mutual defense of Syria's "territorial integrity." Saudi Arabia followed suit in early January, hosting the Syrian trio for talks on regional peace, signaling a warming of Gulf ties with the HTS-influenced government.
The profiles of the Syrian delegates underscore the revolutionary credentials of the new administration. Al-Shaibani, 42, a veteran of the 2011 uprising, served as head of political affairs for the HTS-led government in Idlib before his December 2024 appointment as foreign minister. His diplomatic forays have focused on reassuring international partners of Syria's pivot toward moderation, including pledges for "privileged strategic partnerships" free from polarization. Abu Qasra, 48, a major general and former HTS commander known by his nom de guerre Abu Hassan al-Hamawi, brings battlefield expertise to his defense role, having led insurgent operations that culminated in Assad's fall. Al-Salameh, the intelligence chief, oversees a restructured agency tasked with rooting out regime loyalists and foreign extremists, drawing on networks honed during years of underground resistance.
For Türkiye, the talks align with President Erdoğan's vision of a stable Syria as a buffer against migration and militancy. Since 2011, Ankara has hosted over 3.6 million Syrian refugees, a humanitarian burden that has strained domestic resources and fueled political debates. Enhanced border controls, as discussed Sunday, could facilitate repatriation efforts, with Fidan noting "concrete steps" to reopen crossings like Bab al-Hawa for trade and returns. Economically, the summit paves the way for reconstruction projects; Turkish firms, already active in northern Syria, stand to benefit from joint infrastructure initiatives estimated at $100 billion by international lenders.
Yet, challenges loom large. The U.S. maintains around 900 troops in eastern Syria supporting the SDF, creating friction with Turkish interests. Washington's reluctance to withdraw has prompted Ankara to seek Damascus's assurances against any autonomous Kurdish entity. Iran and Russia, former Assad allies, have scaled back but retain influence through proxies, potentially complicating counterterrorism pacts. Moreover, sporadic ISIS attacks—such as the October 5 bombing in Hasakah that killed 12—remind all parties of the enduring jihadist threat.
Analysts view the Ankara meeting as a pragmatic pivot. "This isn't just security theater; it's about operationalizing trust," said Sinan Ülgen, chairman of the Istanbul-based Edam think tank. "By aligning on borders and intel, both sides can deter spoilers like the PKK or ISIS without external mediation." International observers, including the UN, have welcomed the dialogue, with Special Envoy Geir Pedersen calling it "a vital step toward inclusive governance."
As the delegations departed Ankara under crisp autumn skies, the air buzzed with cautious optimism. Fidan, in a parting remark, vowed ongoing support: "Syria's resolve matches our own—we stand together." For two neighbors scarred by proxy wars and mutual suspicion, Sunday's summit signals not an end to tensions, but a deliberate march toward coexistence. With follow-up mechanisms pledged for monthly reviews, the path ahead, though fraught, appears more collaborative than at any point in the last 14 years.
