Yaoundé, Cameroon – October 11, 2025 – As Cameroon stands on the precipice of its presidential election tomorrow, October 12, the nation grapples with profound questions of continuity, reform, and renewal. At 92 years old, incumbent President Paul Biya, who has ruled since 1982, seeks an unprecedented eighth term, a bid that has ignited debates about age, health, and democratic legitimacy. Yet, he faces 12 challengers from a diverse field of 13 approved candidates, a provisional list released by Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) on July 26 after sifting through 83 applications. This record number of aspirants reflects a fractured yet fervent political landscape, where opposition voices clamor for an end to four decades of one-party dominance by Biya's Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (RDPC).
The election unfolds against a backdrop of simmering tensions: the Anglophone crisis in the Northwest and Southwest regions, which has displaced over 700,000 people and claimed thousands of lives since 2016; economic stagnation exacerbated by global commodity slumps; and persistent allegations of electoral fraud that have eroded trust in institutions like ELECAM and the Constitutional Council. Voter turnout in 2018 hovered around 53%, but analysts predict even lower participation this time, particularly in conflict zones where separatist threats could turn polling stations into flashpoints.
ELECAM's scrutiny process disqualified high-profile figures like Maurice Kamto, the firebrand leader of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC), whose exclusion has sparked international condemnation from bodies like Human Rights Watch and the European Union. Kamto, who claimed victory in 2018 and mobilized massive protests, was barred due to his party's boycott of the 2020 legislative elections, rendering it ineligible to endorse a candidate. His appeal was rejected on August 5, fueling cries of "premeditated rigging" from supporters. With Kamto sidelined, the race fragments further, as the remaining contenders struggle to unify behind a single anti-Biya banner in Cameroon's winner-take-all system.
This comprehensive report profiles all 13 candidates, drawing on their biographies, political careers, achievements, controversies, and visions for Cameroon. In a nation of 28 million, where youth under 30 comprise over 60% of the population, these figures represent not just personal ambitions but the collective aspirations—and frustrations—of a people yearning for progress amid division. From Biya's iron-fisted incumbency to the youthful vigor of challengers like Cabral Libii, the stakes could not be higher. What follows is an in-depth examination, grounded in historical context, recent developments, and expert analysis, to illuminate the faces shaping Cameroon's future.
Paul Biya: The Sphinx of Cameroonian Politics Seeks Eternal Reign
Paul Biya, the 92-year-old incumbent, embodies both the stability and stagnation of Cameroon's post-colonial era. Born Paul Barthélemy Biya'a bi Mvondo on February 13, 1933, in the rural village of Mvomeka'a in the South Region, Biya's early life was steeped in the dual influences of French colonialism and Catholic missionary education. The third of nine children in a modest Beti family, he was initially groomed for the priesthood, attending seminary schools until 1954. Expelled from Catholic school at 16 for undisclosed reasons, Biya pivoted to secular studies, graduating from Yaoundé's Lycée Général Leclerc in 1956.
His intellectual prowess took him to France, where he earned a bachelor's in public law (1960), a diploma from the Institute of Political Studies (1961), and advanced qualifications from the Institut des Hautes Études d'Outre-Mer (1962) and the National School of Administration (1963). Returning to newly independent Cameroon in 1960, Biya joined the civil service under President Ahmadou Ahidjo, rising meteorically through bureaucratic ranks. By 1964, he was director of the Cabinet of the Minister of National Education; in 1965, secretary-general of that ministry; and by January 1968, secretary-general of the Presidency with ministerial rank—a position that made him Ahidjo's indispensable aide in consolidating the unitary state after the 1972 federation's dissolution.
Appointed prime minister in June 1975, Biya became Ahidjo's constitutional successor via a 1979 law. Ahidjo's abrupt resignation on November 4, 1982, citing health woes (though rumors persist of French medical advice amid economic pressures), thrust Biya into the presidency on November 6. At 49, he inherited a nation scarred by the 1970s economic boom-bust from oil discovery and unification tensions. Biya's early tenure was defined by loyalty to Ahidjo, who retained control of the ruling Cameroon National Union (CNU) party. But fissures emerged: in 1983, Ahidjo, exiled in France, lambasted Biya's "abuse of power." Biya seized the CNU in a September extraordinary congress, advancing the 1984 election to January and winning 99.98% as the sole candidate.
The April 1984 coup attempt—allegedly orchestrated by Ahidjo loyalists in the Republican Guard—nearly toppled him, claiming up to 1,000 lives in Yaoundé's streets. Biya survived, disbanding the Guard and trying Ahidjo in absentia (sentenced to death, later commuted). This purge cemented his Beti ethnic base while alienating northern Muslims, sowing seeds for future divisions. Renaming the CNU the RDPC in 1985, Biya won re-election unopposed in 1988 with 98%.
The 1990s "third wave" of African democratization forced concessions: Law No. 90/052 legalized multiparty politics on December 19, 1990. Yet Biya's 1992 election victory (official 40% to John Fru Ndi's 36%) was marred by fraud allegations, ghost voters, and post-poll riots in Anglophone regions that killed dozens and prompted Fru Ndi's house arrest. The 1997 race saw an opposition boycott; Biya claimed 92.6%. Subsequent victories—70.9% in 2004, 77.9% in 2011, 71.3% in 2018—faced similar scrutiny, with low turnouts (under 54% in 2018) and violence displacing observers.
A 2008 constitutional referendum, rammed through the RDPC-dominated assembly, abolished term limits, granting Biya life tenure and immunity. Protests killed over 100; thousands were arrested. Biya's sweeping powers—appointing judges, dissolving parliament, declaring emergencies—have entrenched RDPC control: it holds 152 of 180 National Assembly seats post-2020 boycott by opposition.
Economically, Biya navigated the 1980s debt crisis via IMF/World Bank structural adjustments: privatizing state firms, slashing civil service salaries by 60%, and liberalizing trade. Growth averaged 4% annually in the 2010s, driven by oil (40% of exports) and agriculture, but inequality persists—Gini coefficient at 46. GDP per capita stagnates at $1,500, with 37% in poverty. Infrastructure boomed: the Kribi deep-sea port (2018) and Lom Pangar Dam (2017) symbolize progress, though corruption siphons billions, per Transparency International's 2024 ranking (Cameroon 140th of 180).
Diplomatically, Biya's "open door" policy diversified ties. France remains pivotal—supplying arms, training the elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), and investing $2 billion annually—but Biya chafed at perceived meddling, as in the 1984 coup. The Bakassi victory (2002 ICJ ruling, 2008 handover) against Nigeria burnished his image; the Cameroon-Nigeria Mixed Commission demarcated 90% of the 2,100 km border by 2019, a UN-praised model. China, a partner since 1971, funds 30% of infrastructure via $10 billion loans; Biya visited in 2006, Xi in 2018. U.S. relations focus on counterterrorism: post-2014 Boko Haram incursions, America provided $500 million in aid and intelligence. Israel, re-engaged in 1986, equips the BIR with drones and trains troops.
Yet controversies loom large. Biya's authoritarianism—banning opposition rallies, jailing journalists like Ahmed Abba (10 years for "non-denunciation of terrorism," 2017)—earned him spots on "worst dictators" lists (Parade Magazine, 2009). The Anglophone crisis, ignited by 2016 lawyer strikes over Francophone "assimilation," escalated into war: government crackdowns, internet blackouts (2017-2018), and BIR atrocities (village burnings, per 2018 BBC reports) versus separatist ambushes. Over 6,500 dead, 1.1 million displaced by 2025, per UN estimates. Biya's 2019 "National Dialogue" yielded decentralization promises, but violence persists, with 2024 elections postponed in Anglophone zones.
Health rumors swirl: Biya's absences—often in Geneva's InterContinental Hotel, costing $40,000 daily per 2009 leaks—prompted 2024 death hoaxes, quashed by state media. A June 2025 petition by Akere Muna challenged his candidacy on age and "dependency" grounds, dismissed by the Constitutional Council. Personal life adds intrigue: widowed in 1992 (Jeanne-Irène Atyam, poisoning rumors), Biya married Chantal Vigouroux in 1994 (37 years junior); they have Paul Jr. and Brenda, the latter an LGBTQ activist whose 2024 coming-out tested conservative norms.
Biya's 2025 slogan, "Greatness and Hope," touts security and welfare, but critics decry a "suffocating" system. With RDPC machinery—state media, patronage—poised for victory, his eighth term could extend rule to 2032, when he'd be 99. As one analyst notes, "Biya's longevity is Cameroon's tragedy: stability at democracy's expense."
Hermine Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya: The Trailblazing Woman Aiming to Shatter Glass Ceilings
In a field dominated by aging male veterans, 56-year-old Hermine Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya stands as a beacon of gender parity and regional grit. Born in Foumban, West Region, to the influential Njoya family—descendants of the Bamoun sultans—Tomaïno Ndam Njoya inherited a legacy of leadership. Her father, Ahmadou Ahidjo's contemporary, was a diplomat; her mother, a educator. Educated at elite French lycées and the University of Yaoundé, she holds degrees in law and political science, blending Bamoun cultural heritage with modern governance.
Her career launched in the 1990s as a civil servant in the Ministry of Territorial Administration, where she championed women's rights and decentralization. Elected deputy for Noun Department in the National Assembly in 2007 under the Union Démocratique du Cameroun (UDC)—founded by her late husband, Adamou Ndam Njoya, in 1991—she served three terms until 2020, focusing on education reform and gender quotas. After Adamou's death in 2020, she assumed UDC presidency, navigating internal schisms to stabilize the party.
Tomaïno Ndam Njoya's ascent accelerated post-2020: she won Foumban's mayoralty, becoming one of Cameroon's few female mayors, and secured a Western Region Council seat. As spokesperson for the Platform of Opposition Leaders for Electoral Code Revision, she lobbied for proportional representation and diaspora voting. Her February 21, 2025, candidacy announcement—"Freedom, Justice, Progress"—galvanized women, who form 51% of voters but hold just 31% of parliamentary seats.
Achievements abound: under her Foumban tenure, literacy rates rose 15% via adult education drives; UDC seats doubled in 2020 locals. Internationally, she engaged EU parliamentarians on gender parity in 2023, earning the 2024 African Women Leaders Award. Her vision: a "modern Cameroon" with 50% female cabinet posts, agro-industrial hubs in the West, and federal tweaks for cultural autonomy.
Controversies? Dynastic whispers—critics call UDC a "family fiefdom"—and a 2022 graft probe (cleared) over Foumban contracts. In Anglophone zones, some view her as too conciliatory toward Biya. Yet, her diaspora tours (Germany, France, Italy) rallied 10,000 expatriates. As the sole female contender, Tomaïno Ndam Njoya polls at 5-7%, per June 2025 EC4UC surveys, symbolizing a feminist surge. "I've buried a husband and built a legacy; Biya can't outlast resilience," she quipped at a September rally.
Issa Tchiroma Bakary: The Defector from Biya's Inner Circle Turns Rebel
Issa Tchiroma Bakary, 75, embodies the bittersweet irony of political realignment. A former railway engineer from the North, Tchiroma's career was intertwined with Biya's for decades. Born in 1950 in Guider, he graduated from the National Advanced School of Engineering in Yaoundé, joining Camraил in 1974. By 1980, he entered politics as RDPC youth wing secretary, leveraging Fulani networks in vote-rich Adamawa.
Appointed Transport Minister in 1992 under Biya, Tchiroma climbed: Communication (1997-2004), Employment (2004-2011), Transport again (2011-2018), and Employment/Vocational Training (2018-2025). He was Biya's unflinching spokesperson, defending 2018 election results amid fraud cries and hailing constitutional reforms as "people's will." Yet, in January 2025, he resigned, decrying a "suffocating regime" in an open letter: "The state must serve, not suffocate."
Now Front for the National Salvation of Cameroon (FNSC) candidate, Tchiroma promises northern revival: irrigation mega-projects, youth employment via vocational hubs. His defection galvanized northern opposition, polling 8% in Adamawa per March 2025 surveys. Achievements: modernizing rail (Douala-Ngaoundéré line, 2014) and telecom (MTN licensing, 2000s).
Controversies dog him: accused of inciting 2008 riots (acquitted) and corruption in rail tenders ($200 million probe, 2015). Critics label his flip "opportunistic," but supporters see authenticity. "I served loyally; now I serve truth," he told CRTV in August. With northern votes key (Biya won 80% there in 2018), Tchiroma's bid could splinter RDPC strongholds.
Bello Bouba Maigari: The Northern Lion Roars for a Second Chance
At 78, Bello Bouba Maigari brings gravitas from Cameroon's federal past. Born December 21, 1946, in Kousseri, he studied law in Yaoundé and Paris, returning to found the National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP) in 1990 after splitting from RDPC. As West Cameroon's last prime minister (1981-1982) under Ahidjo, he navigated unification's chaos.
Post-1982, Maigari served Biya loyally: Territorial Administration Minister (1984-1988), Finance (1988), Posts/Telecom (1997-2004), Arts/Culture (2004-2011), and State Minister for Tourism since 2011. He ran in 1992 (19.9%, third), boycotted 1997, and backed Biya until 2025, when he broke ranks, citing "stagnation."
UNDP candidate, Maigari vows economic federalism: resource control for regions, tourism boom via Lake Chad revival. Achievements: UNDP's 18 Assembly seats (2020); stabilizing North post-Boko Haram with $100 million French aid (2015).
Controversies: 1992 fraud allegations; 2018 UNDP-RDPC pact criticized as sellout. Health rumors (stroke, 2023) persist, but he rallies 6,000 in Maroua September. Polling 4%, Maigari eyes northern consolidation. "I've waited 33 years; Cameroon's time is now," he declared.
Akere Muna: The Anti-Corruption Crusader's Quest for Justice
Akere Tabeng Muna, 72, son of federal VP Solomon Tandeng Muna, channels legal prowess into governance reform. Born June 30, 1951, in Foumban, he studied law at Yaoundé and London School of Economics, founding Muna & Associates in 1980. As African Bar Association president (2010-2014), he prosecuted kleptocrats across Africa.
UDC's 2018 candidate, he withdrew to back Kamto, polling 2%. Now UNIVERS flagbearer, Muna's June 2025 petition challenged Biya's age-based eligibility, dismissed but symbolic. Vision: zero-tolerance graft via digital transparency; anti-corruption courts.
Achievements: Recovering $500 million in African assets (2012-2014); advising UN on rule of law. Controversies: 2018 withdrawal seen as tactical; family dynasty ties. Polling 3%, Muna's diaspora appeal (U.S., UK rallies) targets urban youth. "Corruption isn't Cameroonian; it's curable," he asserted in a July TEDx talk.
Joshua Osih: The Anglophone Heir to Fru Ndi's Mantle
Joshua Osih Nambangi, 55, SDF leader since Fru Ndi's 2023 death, carries Anglophone hopes. Born 1970 in Douala to Northwest parents, he studied business in the U.S., returning to lead Pecten Drilling Cameroon. Elected SDF MP for Wouri East in 2013, he became party chair in 2023.
Osih's 2018 run yielded 3.35%; now, he pushes federalism, Anglophone dialogue. Achievements: SDF's 2020 boycott coordination; $10 million diaspora fund for crisis victims. Controversies: 2019 arrest for "incitement"; internal rifts post-Fru Ndi. Polling 5% in Southwest, Osih vows "no bullets, only ballots."
Éric Essono Tsimi: The Exiled Intellectual's Call for Radical Change
Éric Essono Tsimi, 43, New York-based academic, represents diaspora intellect. Born 1982 in Yaoundé, he holds a PhD in political science from Columbia, authoring "Cameroon's Stolen Dreams" (2020). Candidacy via Nous Sommes Le Changement (NSLC), announced May 2024.
Vision: Youth-led tech revolution, climate justice. Achievements: TED Fellow (2022); mobilizing 50,000 online signatures for electoral reform. Controversies: Exile since 2018 arrest; accused of elitism. Polling 2%, Tsimi's virtual rallies reach 100,000. "Exile forged my fire," he posted October 10.
Cabral Libii: Youthful Disruptor with Federalist Dreams
Cabral Libii Li Ngué, 45, PCRN head and MP since 2020, is the race's energizer. Born March 29, 1980, in Ekoamaen, he hosted Radio Campus shows before 2018's third-place (6.28%). Elected in Jambon 1, he authored "Community Federalism" (2021).
Achievements: PCRN's seven mayoralties (2020); African Politician of the Year (2021). Controversies: March 2024 expulsion attempt by founder Robert Kona; Risius Holding scrutiny. Polling 7%, Libii's "New Cameroon" tour drew 20,000 youth. "43 years is enough," he rallied in Douala.
Léon Theiller Onana: The RDPC Loyalist Betting on Continuity
Léon Theiller Onana, 38, CPDM's surprise pick, is Biya's young proxy. Born 1987 in Monatélé, a civil engineer, he challenged Biya's candidacy in June 2025 (withdrawn). As CPDM candidate, he echoes "Greatness and Hope."
Achievements: Monatélé councilor; infrastructure projects. Controversies: Flip-flop on Biya challenge seen as ploy. Polling <1%, Onana targets South. "Youth in service of wisdom," he said.
Frankline Ndifor: Grassroots Activist from the Grassfields
Frankline Ndifor, 50, independent from Northwest, is a teacher-turned-activist. Born 1975 in Bamenda, he led Anglophone protests pre-crisis. Candidacy via People’s Action League (PAL).
Vision: Education overhaul, crisis resolution. Achievements: Founded 2015 literacy NGO, aiding 5,000. Controversies: 2017 detention. Polling 1%, Ndifor's door-to-door campaign hits 10,000 homes.
Dieudonné Yebga: The MANIDEM Splinter's Unexpected Rise
Dieudonné Yebga, 60, MANIDEM's nominee after Kamto's disqualification. Born in Bafoussam, a lawyer, he split from MANIDEM president Anicet Ekane.
Achievements: Local council wins (2020). Controversies: Accused of sabotaging Kamto. Polling <1%, Yebga vows "true communism."
Ateki Zeta Caxton: PAL's Debutant with Environmental Focus
Ateki Zeta Caxton, 48, PAL candidate, is an environmental engineer from East Region. Born 1977, he led anti-logging campaigns.
Vision: Green economy, forest protection. Achievements: 2022 reforestation of 1,000 hectares. Controversies: Funding opacity. Polling 0.5%.
Abakar Ahamat: Northern Nomad's Call for Equity
Abakar Ahamat, 65, from Far North, heads a small party. Born 1960 in Maroua, a trader, he focuses on pastoralist rights.
Achievements: Mediated herder-farmer conflicts (2019). Controversies: Boko Haram ties rumors (denied). Polling 1%.
Serge Espoir Matomba: PURS's Youth Quota Advocate
Serge Espoir Matomba, 42, PURS leader, pushes youth quotas. Born 1983 in Bertoua, an entrepreneur.
Vision: 40% youth in government. Achievements: PURS's five seats (2020). Controversies: 2023 arrest. Polling 2%.
Christian Ntimbane: The Unknown Quantity from the South
Christian Ntimbane, 55, independent from South, a farmer-cooperative head. Born 1970, advocates rural development. Polling negligible.
Overall Election Context and Voter Sentiment
With 7.8 million registered voters, tomorrow's poll could see 4-5 million ballots amid security fears—596 stations in Northwest, 1,908 in Southwest, down from 2018 due to threats. Biya leads polls at 60% (EC4UC, September), Libii 10%, Tchiroma 8%. Unity eludes opposition; Kamto's shadow looms, with protests in Douala (500 arrested, October 10).
International observers—EU, Commonwealth—monitor for fraud. U.S. Ambassador Helen La Lime urged "peaceful participation" October 9. As ballots meet bullets in Anglophone areas, Cameroon's crossroads demands reflection: will Biya's endurance prevail, or will fragmented change prevail? The answer dawns October 13.
