Otavalo, Ecuador – October 15, 2025 – In a dramatic escalation of nationwide unrest, violent clashes erupted in the Indigenous town of Otavalo on Tuesday, leaving 13 Ecuadorian soldiers injured after they were targeted by demonstrators hurling Molotov cocktails, firecrackers, and wielding machetes and knives during attempts to dismantle persistent road blockades. The Armed Forces Joint Command reported the attacks occurred as troops advanced to clear key highways in Imbabura province, the epicenter of protests against President Daniel Noboa's controversial decision to eliminate diesel fuel subsidies. The injured soldiers, suffering from burns, lacerations, and blunt force trauma, were swiftly airlifted by military helicopters to hospitals in the provincial capital of Ibarra for emergency treatment, where medical officials described their conditions as stable but serious.
Eyewitnesses described chaotic scenes unfolding along the Pan-American Highway, where thick plumes of black smoke rose from burning tires and improvised barricades as security forces deployed tear gas and non-lethal rounds to regain control. Videos circulating on social media captured the intensity: hooded protesters, many waving flags of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), clashed with armored vehicles, while local residents—some supporting the demonstrations, others decrying the disruptions—gathered in tense standoffs. "This is not just about diesel; it's about a government that ignores our voices and sends soldiers to silence us," said one Otavalo resident, a 45-year-old farmer who declined to give her name for fear of reprisal.
The violence came mere hours after the Ecuadorian Presidency confirmed the deployment of additional Armed Forces and National Police units to Imbabura, marking a significant intensification of the government's response to what it calls "unlawful obstructions" threatening public order and economic activity. Interior Minister John Reimberg, speaking from Quito, announced an immediate surge of 5,000 more military personnel to the province—on top of the 1,000 troops already dispatched earlier in the week as part of a humanitarian convoy aimed at delivering food and medical supplies to isolated communities. "We will remain here for as long as necessary to restore peace and protect the rights of all Ecuadorians to move freely and work without fear," Reimberg declared in a televised address, emphasizing that the reinforcements would include specialized units trained in crowd control and de-escalation. He warned that authorities would pursue "aggressors" with terrorism charges, echoing Noboa's earlier accusations that some protest elements are infiltrated by organized crime groups, including alleged ties to the Venezuelan Tren de Aragua gang.
CONAIE, the powerful Indigenous organization representing over 5 million Ecuadorians and credited with toppling three presidents between 1997 and 2005, swiftly condemned the government's actions as "state-sponsored repression." In a statement released from its Quito headquarters, CONAIE President Marlon Vargas accused Noboa's administration of obstructing access to medical care for wounded protesters, harassing healthcare workers, and denying humanitarian aid, actions they claim violate International Humanitarian Law. "The people of Imbabura and Otavalo stand with dignity against a regime that chooses bullets over dialogue," Vargas said, referencing reports of at least 40 injuries among demonstrators since the clashes began. CONAIE has also highlighted the arrest of over 60 individuals, including young Indigenous leaders like 23-year-old Jeremy Lita from Otavalo, charged with "terrorism" for participating in blockades—a label the group dismisses as a tactic to criminalize legitimate dissent.
This latest confrontation is the culmination of a protest movement that has gripped Ecuador for nearly a month, triggered by Noboa's Decree 126 on September 12, which abruptly ended a longstanding diesel subsidy costing the state $1.1 billion annually. The policy hiked the price of diesel from $1.80 to $2.80 per gallon (from 48 cents to 74 cents per liter), a move the government justified as essential for fiscal stabilization amid a ballooning public debt exceeding 60% of GDP and rampant fuel smuggling to neighboring Colombia and Peru. Noboa, who assumed office in November 2023 following a snap election amid a security crisis, argued the savings would fund social programs, infrastructure, and anti-crime initiatives in what he dubs "the new Ecuador." Yet for rural farmers, truckers, and fishermen—many from Indigenous communities—the increase translates to immediate hardship: transportation costs for produce have surged 30-50%, forcing some dairy producers in Imbabura to dump up to 15,000 liters of milk daily due to spoiled goods unable to reach markets.
The protests, initially localized to northern provinces like Imbabura where Noboa narrowly won 52% of the vote in April's general election, have since spread nationwide. Bus drivers launched indefinite strikes on September 18, paralyzing urban transit in Quito and Guayaquil, while farmers erected barricades across the Sierra highlands, disrupting supply chains for staples like potatoes, maize, and quinoa. By early October, the unrest had evolved into a broader indictment of Noboa's neoliberal agenda, incorporating demands to reduce the value-added tax (VAT) from 15% to 12%, halt oil expansion in the Amazon, and end the criminalization of environmental activists. On October 12, coinciding with Ecuador's Day of Interculturality and Plurinationality—a national holiday replacing Columbus Day to honor Indigenous heritage—thousands marched in Quito, burning tires and facing tear gas volleys from police.
Noboa's response has been swift and militarized. On October 6, he expanded a state of emergency—initially declared in seven provinces—to 10 more, covering nearly half of Ecuador's 24 provinces and imposing curfews, bans on public gatherings, and enhanced surveillance powers for the military. This follows a pattern: in April 2025, Noboa invoked emergencies to combat gang violence after a prison massacre killed over 200 inmates. Critics, including Amnesty International, warn of a slide toward authoritarianism, citing over 40 documented injuries, arbitrary detentions, and the freezing of bank accounts belonging to CONAIE leaders and allies like the National Anti-Mining Front. "The repression of protests, coupled with attacks on judicial independence, places Ecuador among regional nations exhibiting rising authoritarian practices," Amnesty's Americas Director Ana Piquer stated in an October 8 alert.
The human toll has been stark. On September 28, 46-year-old Indigenous land defender Efraín Fuerez was fatally shot three times during a march in Cotacachi, near Otavalo; CONAIE and human rights group INREDH attribute his death to armed forces gunfire, demanding an independent UN-backed investigation. Earlier that day, protesters briefly held 17 soldiers hostage in a separate Imbabura skirmish, releasing them after negotiations but injuring 12 others. The United Nations has expressed "deep concern" over excessive force, while the European Union condemned an attack on a UN-EU diplomatic convoy en route to monitor the situation. The U.S. Embassy issued travel advisories for Americans, urging avoidance of protest zones.
Economically, the blockades have inflicted wounds on an already fragile nation. Ecuador's GDP growth, projected at 1.2% for 2025 by the IMF, now risks contraction as exports—particularly bananas and shrimp reliant on diesel-powered trucking—face delays. Inflation, hovering at 3.5%, could spike to 5% if disruptions persist, exacerbating poverty affecting 32% of the population. In Otavalo, famed for its textile markets and weaving cooperatives, shop owners report losses exceeding $500,000 weekly, with extortion-like demands from some radicals—such as 50% "tolls" on passing tankers—alienating even sympathetic locals. On October 4, residents in Otavalo rallied with Ecuadorian flags to expel masked agitators vandalizing vehicles, a grassroots pushback highlighting divisions within communities.
Noboa, a 37-year-old scion of a wealthy banana-exporting family, frames the crisis as an existential battle against "narco-terrorists" exploiting Indigenous grievances. In fiery speeches, he has accused CONAIE of colluding with illegal miners and gangs, a charge the organization vehemently denies, calling it a smear to justify repression. Former CONAIE President Leonidas Iza, who led the 2019 and 2022 uprisings that forced subsidy concessions from predecessors Lenin Moreno and Guillermo Lasso, likened Noboa's tactics to U.S.-backed interference, tying the subsidy cut to IMF prescriptions. "This is subordination to Washington's agenda, hitting the poorest hardest," Iza posted on X.
As night falls over Otavalo's cobblestone streets, the air still carries the acrid scent of tear gas and charred rubber. Humanitarian convoys, now escorted by armored Humvees, inch through checkpoints, delivering rice and antibiotics to cut-off villages. International observers, including OAS envoys, have called for mediated talks, but Noboa insists on "unconditional" clearance of roads before negotiations. CONAIE, meanwhile, vows to intensify the "national strike" unless demands are met, with Vargas hinting at a march on Quito that could dwarf past mobilizations.
In this Andean tinderbox, where ancient Inca trails meet modern highways, Ecuador teeters on the brink. The diesel hike, meant to modernize a subsidy system draining $3 billion yearly from public coffers, has instead ignited a firestorm exposing deep fissures: between urban elites and rural Indigenous groups, fiscal reformers and social justice advocates, a young president chasing legacy and a movement forged in centuries of marginalization. With troops digging in and protesters unyielding, the path to resolution remains obscured by smoke and suspicion. As one elder in Otavalo reflected, clutching a woven shawl amid the rubble: "We've resisted empires before. This time, it's our own government we must convince."
