WASHINGTON — Vice President JD Vance on Thursday defended the need for maintaining and testing the US’ nuclear weapons arsenal, describing it as a vital component of national security.
"We have a big arsenal. Obviously, the Russians have a large nuclear arsenal. The Chinese have a large nuclear arsenal. Sometimes you've got to test it to make sure that it's functioning and working properly," Vance told reporters outside the White House.
His remarks came a day after President Donald Trump announced he instructed the Pentagon to “immediately” begin nuclear weapons tests "because of other countries' testing programs."
Vance underscored that the testing is not indicative of any immediate concerns but part of a broader regime of maintenance and verification that supports strategic stability.
"It's an important part of American national security to make sure that this nuclear arsenal we have actually functions properly, and that's part of the testing regime.
"To be clear, we know that it does work properly, but you got to keep on top of it over time, and the president just wants to make sure that we do that," he added.
Trump's directive, posted on his Truth Social platform while en route to a high-stakes summit with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Busan, South Korea, marks a potential seismic shift in U.S. nuclear policy. The announcement, made aboard Marine One helicopter, stated: "Because of other countries testing programs, I have instructed the Department of War to start testing our Nuclear Weapons on an equal basis. That process will begin immediately." The reference to the "Department of War" appears to nod to Trump's recent executive order rebranding the Department of Defense, though Congress has yet to approve the change.
The U.S. has not conducted a full-scale nuclear explosive test since September 23, 1992, when the underground "Divider" detonation at the Nevada Test Site concluded Operation Julin, the nation's 1,054th such event. This moratorium, initiated under President George H.W. Bush, aligned with global efforts to curb proliferation, culminating in the 1996 Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which the U.S. signed but has not ratified. In the intervening decades, the U.S. has relied on the Stockpile Stewardship Program (SSP), a $25 billion annual endeavor managed by the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) under the Department of Energy. The SSP employs advanced simulations, supercomputers, subcritical experiments, and non-nuclear flight tests to certify the arsenal's reliability without detonations.
This science-based approach has sustained approximately 3,700 warheads, with about 1,700 deployed across land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and strategic bombers. Facilities like Los Alamos, Lawrence Livermore, and Sandia National Laboratories conduct surveillance, refurbishment, and life-extension programs (LEPs) to address aging components—such as plutonium pits and high explosives—ensuring safety and efficacy. Joint tests with the Department of Defense, including unarmed Minuteman III launches from Vandenberg Space Force Base, provide critical data.
Trump's order, however, challenges this paradigm, prompted by perceived provocations from adversaries. Just days prior, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced successful trials of two advanced systems: the Burevestnik (Storm Petrel) nuclear-powered cruise missile, tested on October 21, and the Poseidon nuclear-powered underwater drone, launched on October 28. Putin, speaking at a Moscow military hospital alongside wounded Ukraine veterans, touted the Poseidon as "unrivaled," capable of traveling over 6,000 miles at depths exceeding one kilometer, delivering a two-megaton warhead to trigger radioactive tsunamis devastating coastal cities. The Burevestnik, plagued by past failures—including a 2019 Arctic explosion that killed five scientists—promises unlimited range via nuclear propulsion.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitri Peskov clarified these were not explosive nuclear tests but delivery system validations, emphasizing Russia adheres to its 2023 pledge to resume detonations only if the U.S. does first. Senior lawmaker Leonid Slutsky warned Trump's move could "destabilize global strategic stability," echoing concerns from experts like Daryl G. Kimball of the Arms Control Association, who called it "misinformed and out of touch."
China's role looms large in Trump's calculus. Beijing's arsenal, estimated at 600 warheads in 2025—up from 300 in 2020—has expanded at a "breathtaking speed," per the Federation of American Scientists. The Pentagon projects over 1,000 by 2030, driven by silo construction (350 new ICBM sites), road-mobile launchers, and submarine advancements like the Type 096 SSBN. Recent footage of a DF-31AG ICBM test landing in the South Pacific nuclear-free zone underscored Beijing's assertiveness. China's Foreign Ministry urged the U.S. to uphold CTBT commitments, warning of risks to "global strategic harmony."
The announcement blindsided some White House aides and even Vice Adm. Richard Correll, nominee for U.S. Strategic Command, who testified Thursday that he wouldn't "presume" explosive intent, citing "equal basis" as possibly missile-focused. Experts estimate 24-36 months for full resumption, given Nevada site's disrepair. Trump's post may conflate explosive tests with routine non-nuclear ones, like September's Trident SLBM firings.
Domestically, reactions split along partisan lines. Sen. Mark Kelly (D-AZ) decried it as arms-race fuel, benefiting China: "Read your briefing materials, Mr. President." On X, users amplified alarms, with one post questioning fallout risks amid fluoride debates, and another theorizing a "fake alien invasion" distraction. Retired generals labeled it a "political maneuver."
Internationally, it evokes Cold War echoes. Over 2,000 tests scarred the planet from 1945-1996, with U.S. (1,032) and Soviet (715) leading. North Korea's 2017 detonation remains the last. Resumption could spur India, Pakistan, or Iran, per Hans Kristensen of the Federation of American Scientists.
Yet Trump envisions de-escalation: "I'd like to see a denuclearization... We are actually talking to Russia about that and China would be added." Russia holds 5,580 warheads, the U.S. 5,177, per Arms Control Association—90% of global totals. New START expires February 2026, heightening urgency.
Vance's defense frames testing as stewardship, not saber-rattling. As adversaries modernize—Russia's drills, China's silos—the U.S. faces a trilemma: sustain deterrence, avoid escalation, honor non-proliferation. Trump's order tests that balance, reviving debates on whether simulations suffice or if "equal basis" demands parity in peril.
The Nevada site's tunnels, once echoing blasts, now host subcritical probes. But if detonations return, they could echo louder: a reminder that in nuclear shadows, maintenance is deterrence, and testing, temptation.
