Porto-Novo, Benin – November 16, 2025 – In a marathon session stretching into the early hours of Saturday, Benin’s National Assembly has passed a landmark constitutional amendment that extends the presidential term from five to seven years, introduces a new upper house of parliament, and aligns legislative and local government mandates with the longer cycle. The vote, which cleared the required three-quarters majority threshold, marks the most significant overhaul of the West African nation’s political framework since the 2019 reforms under President Patrice Talon. While proponents hail it as a step toward greater institutional stability, opposition voices have decried it as a power consolidation move just months before the 2026 presidential election.
The amendment, formally known as Law No. 2025-20, modifies Benin’s 1990 Constitution—previously revised in 2019—and was adopted by an overwhelming 90 votes in favor and 19 against during a secret ballot in the Palace of the Governors in Porto-Novo. This final tally followed a preliminary vote that secured the mandatory four-fifths majority with 87 yes votes and 22 no votes, as required by Article 154 of the existing charter. In total, the reform introduces 15 new articles and amends 18 others, reshaping the executive, legislative, and local governance structures to foster what Assembly President Louis Vlavonou described as “a more mature and stable democracy.”
At the heart of the changes is the revision of Article 42, which now stipulates: “The President of the Republic is elected by direct universal suffrage for a term of seven years, renewable only once. No one may, in his or her lifetime, serve more than two terms as President of the Republic.” This extension applies starting with the April 2026 presidential election, meaning the next leader will serve until 2033. The two-term lifetime limit remains intact, ensuring no immediate beneficiary for the incumbent, President Talon, who is concluding his second five-year term in April 2026 and has repeatedly affirmed he will not seek reelection. Talon, a cotton magnate turned politician elected in 2016 on promises of anti-corruption and economic modernization, has overseen Benin’s transition from a unicameral to a more layered system, but his tenure has drawn criticism for curbing opposition freedoms and media access.
The reform’s most transformative element is the establishment of a bicameral legislature under the amended Article 79, which vests legislative power and government oversight in both the existing 109-seat National Assembly and a newly created Senate. “Beyond this major change, Parliament—under the amended Article 79—exercises legislative power and oversees government action. It is now composed of two chambers: the National Assembly and the Senate,” reads the official statement from the Assembly. The Senate, detailed in new Article 113.1, is envisioned as a “council of elders” tasked with regulating political life and safeguarding “national unity, development, territorial defense, public security, democracy, and peace.”
Comprising 25 to 30 members, the upper house will blend appointed and ex-officio roles: some senators will be directly named by the president, while others—such as former presidents, ex-chiefs of the National Assembly, Constitutional Court presidents, and military chiefs of staff—will serve automatically. This hybrid model, supporters argue, draws on seasoned expertise to provide checks and balances, allowing the Senate to request second readings of bills passed by the lower house (except budget laws). Laws approved by the Assembly will now be transmitted simultaneously to the president and Senate president for review, streamlining yet complicating the legislative process.
Legislative terms are also extended under Article 80, aligning deputies’ mandates with the seven-year cycle, renewable indefinitely—a shift from the previous two-renewal cap introduced in 2019. A stringent anti-defection clause adds teeth: “The term of office for deputies is seven years, renewable. Any deputy who resigns and thereby ceases to be a member of the party that sponsored them for the legislative election loses their mandate.” This provision aims to curb “political nomadism,” or party-switching, which has plagued Benin’s multiparty system. Local governance follows suit, with mayors and municipal councilors now serving seven-year renewable terms, potentially synchronizing national, legislative, and communal elections for efficiency.
The reforms emerge against Benin’s backdrop as a regional democratic outlier. Once hailed as West Africa’s “model democracy” for its peaceful power transitions since the 1990s—exemplified by the 2016 handover from President Thomas Boni Yayi to Talon—the country has faced scrutiny over democratic backsliding. Talon’s 2019 constitutional tweaks imposed stricter candidate sponsorship rules, sidelining much of the opposition and prompting protests. In September 2024, authorities foiled an alleged coup plot, arresting suspects including opposition figures, heightening fears of authoritarian drift. The 2026 race, already shaping up with potential frontrunners like Finance Minister Romuald Wadagni (seen as Talon’s heir) and opposition leader Joël Aïvo (pardoned after a 2021 conviction), now unfolds under this new framework.
Supporters, including Union Progressiste lawmakers, frame the changes as pragmatic enhancements. “Seven years gives a president the breathing room to deliver on infrastructure, education, and economic reforms that require sustained effort,” Vlavonou stated post-vote. Former Constitutional Court President Joseph Djogbénou echoed this, praising the Senate as a bulwark for “national stability and development” on social media. Proponents note Benin’s economic gains under Talon—GDP growth averaging 6% annually, driven by port expansions in Cotonou and agricultural exports—warrant longer horizons for policy continuity. The synchronized mandates could cut election costs, estimated at over $50 million per cycle, and reduce governance disruptions.
Critics, however, see red flags. The main opposition bloc, Les Démocrates, whose 19 no-votes likely represent their full caucus, demanded the vote’s annulment, citing power outages during the secret ballot as a transparency breach. Deputy Habib Woroucoubou accused the process of irregularities, including unannounced mandate extensions slipped into the final text. “A Constitution isn’t rewritten for one man or one party, but for the people and the future,” warned exiled critic Sévérin Adjovi in a recent statement. Former President Boni Yayi, who rejected any ex-officio Senate role, labeled the reforms “antidemocratic” and urged Les Démocrates to block them—advice heeded in the vote but not enough to halt passage. Civil society groups, including the Benin Bar Association, worry the appointed Senate dilutes popular sovereignty, potentially entrenching executive influence. Internationally, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has monitored Benin’s reforms closely, given regional peers like Burkina Faso and Niger’s own constitutional upheavals.
The path forward involves review by the Constitutional Court for conformity, followed by Talon’s promulgation—expected imminently. If upheld, the changes take effect for 2026 polls, rescheduling subsequent cycles to 2033. Analysts predict legal challenges from opponents, possibly escalating to the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights. As Benin navigates this pivot, the reforms underscore a tension: bolstering efficiency in a nation of 13 million, where poverty affects 40% despite oil and cotton booms, versus preserving the multiparty vibrancy that defined its post-colonial rebirth.
In Porto-Novo’s humid dawn, as deputies dispersed, the air buzzed with debate. For everyday Beninese—from Cotonou traders to northern farmers—these shifts promise steadier governance but risk eroding the accountability that fueled the 1990 “national conference” revolution. With 2026 looming, the true test lies in whether this “stability” endures or unravels under electoral strain.
