LUSAKA, Zambia (November 8, 2025) – The Southern African Development Community (SADC) convened a virtual extraordinary summit of heads of state and government on Friday, issuing a fervent call for regional solidarity and cooperative action to navigate the escalating political crisis in Madagascar following a military-led takeover of the government. As the Indian Ocean island nation grapples with the aftermath of widespread youth-led protests and an abrupt change in leadership, the bloc's leaders emphasized the imperative of collective intervention to safeguard peace, stability, and democratic norms across southern Africa.
Addressing the assembly from Pretoria, SADC Deputy Chairperson and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa delivered a stirring keynote, urging member states to "take decisive action in confronting challenges facing member states." Ramaphosa, whose nation has now assumed interim leadership of the 16-member regional body, underscored the fragility of progress in the region. "The future of southern Africa depends on the ability of countries to work together to find collective solutions that uphold peace and stability," he declared, invoking the spirit of pan-African unity forged through decades of shared struggles against colonialism and authoritarianism.
The summit, hosted virtually due to logistical constraints imposed by the Madagascar crisis, marked a pivotal moment for SADC, which was founded in 1992 to promote economic integration, sustainable development, and political cooperation among its members, including powerhouses like South Africa, Angola, and Zimbabwe, as well as smaller economies such as Lesotho and Eswatini. With a combined population exceeding 380 million and a gross domestic product surpassing $1 trillion, the bloc's decisions carry weighty implications for continental stability. Ramaphosa's remarks echoed broader concerns that unchecked instability in one member could cascade into broader insecurity, reminiscent of past interventions in Zimbabwe's 2017 power transition and Lesotho's 2014 constitutional crisis.
At the heart of the Madagascar turmoil lies a dramatic sequence of events that unfolded over the past two months. What began as seemingly localized grievances over chronic water and electricity shortages erupted into the largest anti-government demonstrations in the country's post-independence history. Protests ignited on September 25, 2025, in the capital Antananarivo, organized under the banner of the grassroots movement "Gen Z Madagascar" – a leaderless coalition of young activists inspired by similar youth uprisings in Kenya and Nepal. Drawing over 100,000 followers on social media platforms within days, the movement, initially dubbed "Tsy Manaiky Lembenana" (We Refuse to Be Trampled) and "Leo Delestage" (Fed Up with Load Shedding), channeled widespread frustration with systemic failures in public utilities.
Madagascar, home to 32 million people and renowned as the world's top vanilla producer, ranks among the globe's poorest nations, with 75% of its population living below the poverty line according to 2022 World Bank data. Only 36% of citizens have access to electricity, dropping to a mere 7-12% in rural areas, while urban centers like Antananarivo endure daily blackouts lasting 6-12 hours. Water scarcity compounds the misery: UNICEF reports that 70% of southern residents lack basic drinking water, exacerbated by prolonged droughts and mismanagement at the state-owned utility Jirama. Protesters, many in their teens and twenties who comprise over 60% of the population, decried these as "basic human rights violations," with placards reading "We don’t want power, we want light" and "Water and electricity are not pleas – they are rights."
The demonstrations quickly escalated, targeting high-profile symbols of alleged corruption. Homes of politicians aligned with then-President Andry Rajoelina were vandalized, and clashes with security forces turned deadly. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, expressed shock on September 29 at the violent crackdown, reporting at least 22 deaths – including protesters, bystanders, and those caught in subsequent looting – and over 100 injuries from tear gas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition. A dusk-to-dawn curfew was imposed in Antananarivo, but it failed to quell the unrest, which spread to cities like Toamasina and Fianarantsoa.
Rajoelina, a 51-year-old former DJ and entrepreneur who first seized power in a 2009 military-backed coup at age 34, faced mounting pressure. Nicknamed "TGV" for his high-speed political ascent, he had dominated Malagasy politics for over a decade, serving as transitional president from 2009-2014 before winning elections in 2018 and 2023 amid opposition boycotts and fraud allegations. His administration, criticized for promoting unproven COVID-19 remedies and mishandling Cyclone Batsirai's 2022 devastation, dissolved parliament on September 29 in a bid to appease demonstrators by promising youth inclusion. Yet, hours later, lawmakers reconvened and impeached him, paving the way for military intervention.
On October 12, an elite army unit, the Personnel Administration, Technical and Administrative Corps (CAPSAT) – ironically the same force that propelled Rajoelina to power in 2009 – defected, joining protesters in Antananarivo's May 13 Square and announcing control over the armed forces. Rajoelina, who alleged an assassination plot, fled the country between October 11-12, reportedly aboard a French military plane, though Paris denied involvement. From an undisclosed location, he broadcast a defiant Facebook address on October 13, refusing to resign and vowing to "not allow Madagascar to be destroyed." On October 14, CAPSAT suspended the constitution, dissolved the National Assembly, and declared a transitional government.
Colonel Michael Randrianirina, CAPSAT's commander and a long-time Rajoelina critic imprisoned in 2023 for alleged coup plotting, was sworn in as interim president on October 17 before the High Constitutional Court. Framing the takeover not as a coup but a "necessary intervention to avert national collapse," Randrianirina pledged a maximum two-year tenure, culminating in general elections, and immediate reforms to address utility crises through new energy production units and anti-corruption drives. The Council of Christian Churches in Madagascar (FFKM) welcomed an end to violence but stressed the need for inclusive dialogue.
The international response was swift and stern. The African Union (AU) suspended Madagascar's membership on October 15, rejecting "any attempt at unconstitutional changes," while SADC followed suit the next day, with Malawi's President Peter Mutharika, chair of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation, labeling the events a "threat to peace and democratic order." A high-level SADC fact-finding mission, led by former Malawian President Joyce Banda and including Mediation Reference Group members Helen Lwegasila Brahim and Joey Bimha, was dispatched to Antananarivo on October 16 to assess the situation and foster stakeholder talks. French President Emmanuel Macron voiced concerns on October 13, urging respect for constitutional continuity and cautioning against exploiting youth for political gain.
Back at the SADC summit, Ramaphosa extended condolences to the protest victims, a gesture that resonated deeply in a nation where youth unemployment hovers at 50% and economic shocks from climate events have displaced thousands. SADC Executive Secretary Elias Magosi reinforced the message, calling for "unity, peace, and stability across the region" and outlining plans for emergency infrastructure aid to Madagascar, including technical support for Jirama's grid upgrades. Analysts like Professor Philani Moyo of the University of Fort Hare's Institute of Social and Economic Research suggest Madagascar's preemptive withdrawal from its SADC chairmanship – originally set for August 2025 to 2026 – was a strategic move to avert expulsion, unlike the 2009 suspension under Rajoelina's own regime.
In a landmark decision, the summit confirmed Ramaphosa's assumption of SADC chairmanship, accelerating South Africa's role from its prior deputy position. Originally slated for 2026, Ramaphosa will now lead until August 2026, hosting all scheduled meetings from November 2025 onward in line with SADC Treaty Articles 9A(2)(b) and 10(4). South Africans have mixed reactions: while some praise the opportunity to bolster regional diplomacy, others, via social media, quip about domestic priorities like load-shedding mirroring Madagascar's woes. Ramaphosa, fresh from navigating South Africa's energy reforms, vowed to prioritize "practical solutions" such as cross-border energy pacts and youth empowerment initiatives.
Critics, however, decry SADC's historical reticence. Regional analyst comments in outlets like ZimEye highlight parallels to Zimbabwe's 2017 "coup," where the bloc issued statements but delayed enforcement, allowing authoritarian drifts. "SADC talks, delays, and issues statements while ordinary citizens suffer," one observer noted, warning that without bold sanctions or mediation timelines, the bloc risks irrelevance. Yet, optimists point to successes like the 2021 Mozambique insurgency intervention as models for Madagascar.
As Madagascar's transitional government stabilizes – with Randrianirina touring SADC allies and protesters cautiously welcoming utility pledges – the crisis underscores southern Africa's intertwined fates. Gen Z voices, from Antananarivo's streets to Lusaka's halls, demand not just lights and water, but dignity and accountability. Ramaphosa's chairmanship, born of turmoil, offers a chance to deliver. Whether SADC seizes it could define the region's next chapter, ensuring that the "future of southern Africa" he evoked becomes more than rhetoric.
