BRUSSELS – In a development that has sent ripples through the corridors of European Union power, former High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini was released from custody on Wednesday following her formal notification of charges in a sweeping investigation into alleged procurement fraud tied to EU-funded diplomatic training programs. The European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO), the bloc's independent anti-corruption watchdog, confirmed the accusations against Mogherini, who also serves as rector of the prestigious College of Europe in Bruges, along with two other high-profile figures: a senior staff member from the same institution and Stefano Sannino, a veteran Italian diplomat and current Director-General for the Middle East, North Africa, and the Gulf at the European Commission.
The detentions, which occurred on Tuesday, December 2, 2025, marked a dramatic escalation in an inquiry that has already prompted dawn raids on the headquarters of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in Brussels, multiple buildings at the College of Europe in Bruges, and the private residences of those involved. Belgian Federal Judicial Police, acting at the EPPO's request and with approval from an investigating judge, seized documents and electronic devices during the operations, which were supported by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF). The EPPO emphasized that all three individuals—now classified as suspects under Belgian law—were released after interrogation because they posed no flight risk, but the probe remains active, with no further disclosures to safeguard its integrity.
At the heart of the allegations is a suspected manipulation of a public tender process in 2021–2022 for the establishment of the European Union Diplomatic Academy, a nine-month intensive training initiative for junior diplomats from across the EU's 27 member states. The academy, designed to foster a new generation of EU foreign policy experts amid rising geopolitical tensions, was awarded a contract worth approximately €654,000 to the College of Europe by the EEAS—the EU's diplomatic corps, which Mogherini once led. Prosecutors harbor strong suspicions that confidential details about the tender's selection criteria were leaked to the College prior to its official publication, breaching Article 169 of the EU's Financial Regulation on fair competition and potentially allowing the institution an undue advantage over rival bidders.
The charges leveled against the trio include procurement fraud, corruption, conflict of interest, and violation of professional secrecy—serious offenses that could carry penalties of up to 10 years in prison under Belgian and EU law if proven. EPPO spokesperson Barry Wiegand, in a rare public statement on the matter, reiterated the office's commitment to impartiality: "The investigation is ongoing to clarify the facts and assess whether any criminal offences have occurred. All persons are presumed innocent until proven guilty by the competent Belgian courts." This probe, initiated after OLAF flagged irregularities in administrative interviews, represents one of the EPPO's most audacious actions since its full operational launch in 2021, aimed at combating cross-border crimes siphoning off the EU's €1.2 trillion annual budget.
Mogherini, 52, rose to prominence as Italy's foreign minister before assuming the EU's top diplomatic role in 2014, where she navigated thorny issues like the Iran nuclear deal, Brexit negotiations, and the bloc's response to Russia's annexation of Crimea. Often dubbed the "EU's quiet powerhouse," her tenure was marked by a pragmatic, multilateral approach that earned praise from allies but criticism from hardliners for perceived softness on authoritarian regimes. In 2020, she transitioned to academia as rector of the College of Europe—founded in 1949 as a cradle for post-war European integration—overseeing its expansion into executive education and research programs funded heavily by EU grants. The institution, with campuses in Bruges and Natolin, Poland, boasts an alumni network including EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg, making it a linchpin of the bloc's soft power apparatus.
Sannino, 67, brings his own storied resume to the scandal. As managing director of the EEAS from 2021 to 2024—the civil service chief under Mogherini—he played a pivotal role in implementing foreign policy directives during a period of flux, including the EU's pivot toward Indo-Pacific engagement and sanctions against Moscow following the 2022 Ukraine invasion. Now in his Commission post, Sannino oversees sensitive dossiers on regional stability in the Middle East, where EU funding for capacity-building initiatives like the Diplomatic Academy is seen as crucial for countering influence from rivals like China and Russia. The third suspect, identified in media reports as a deputy in the College's executive education department, remains unnamed officially but is believed to have handled administrative aspects of the tender.
The timing of this affair could not be more inopportune for Brussels. As the EU gears up for its 2026–2027 budget cycle and midterm parliamentary elections, scrutiny over institutional integrity is at a fever pitch, fueled by prior scandals like the 2022 Qatargate bribery affair involving MEPs. EU diplomats, speaking anonymously, described the raids as a "seismic event" that underscores vulnerabilities in how the bloc allocates its vast resources—€186 billion earmarked for foreign policy alone in the current multiannual framework. One senior EEAS official told Politico that the probe "exposes the revolving door between diplomacy and academia, where old networks can blur lines between influence and impropriety." Critics, including transparency advocates from groups like Transparency International EU, have long warned that opaque tender processes for training programs—often exempt from full public scrutiny under diplomatic privileges—create fertile ground for cronyism.
Reactions poured in swiftly on social media and from political quarters. On X (formerly Twitter), posts from journalists and commentators highlighted the irony of Mogherini's fall from grace, with one viral thread from Euronews reporter Jorge Liboreiro noting the academy's direct link to her leadership: "Federica Mogherini herself was the director" of the program under scrutiny. Albanian MP Belind Këlliçi seized the moment to lambast Mogherini for past endorsements of controversial figures in Tirana, tweeting, "Time is the best medicine... May she pull [EU Ambassador] Marta Kos down with her." Broader discourse trended under hashtags like #EUScandal and #Mogherini, with users from across the spectrum—from Euroskeptics decrying "Brussels elite rot" to pro-EU voices calling for swift accountability—amplifying global coverage from outlets like Al Jazeera and Reuters.
Institutionally, the College of Europe issued a measured response late Tuesday, pledging "full cooperation with the authorities in the interest of transparency" while affirming its "commitment to the highest standards of integrity, fairness, and compliance." The European Commission, through spokesperson Anitta Hipper, acknowledged the EEAS raid but stonewalled on details, citing the ongoing nature of the case. Current EEAS head, High Representative Kaja Kallas—herself a recent appointee navigating Ukraine aid controversies—has yet to comment publicly, though insiders speculate internal audits may follow to preempt further reputational damage.
This episode lays bare deeper fissures in the EU's governance model. Established in 2017 via Council Regulation (EU) 2017/1939, the EPPO has notched over 100 convictions since inception, recovering €1.2 billion in misappropriated funds, but high-level diplomatic cases like this test its mettle against entrenched power structures. Legal experts note that proving intent in procurement fraud requires forensic accounting of email trails and meeting minutes—evidence likely bolstered by OLAF's preliminary work. If the case advances to trial in Belgium's Federal Criminal Court, it could set precedents for how the EU polices its "revolving door" between public service and academia, potentially leading to reforms in tender transparency.
Beyond the legal ramifications, the scandal risks eroding trust in the EU's diplomatic pipeline at a precarious juncture. With global flashpoints from Gaza to Taiwan demanding cohesive EU voices, any perception of internal rot could embolden adversaries and alienate member states already skeptical of Brussels' largesse—think Hungary's Viktor Orbán, who has decried similar probes as "witch hunts." As one anonymous EU parliamentarian told The Guardian, "This isn't just about three people; it's a mirror to how we spend taxpayers' money on shaping tomorrow's leaders."
For Mogherini, whose post-EU career was eyed as a model for "quiet diplomacy" in think tanks and NGOs, the coming months will be defining. Neither she nor Sannino has issued statements, but sources close to them insist on full cooperation and innocence. As the EPPO's investigation unfolds—potentially expanding to additional witnesses or contracts—the bloc faces a reckoning: Can its anti-fraud mechanisms outpace the very networks they aim to police? In Brussels, where alliances shift like the weather over the Schuman Roundabout, the answer may redefine the EU's moral authority on the world stage.
