The United States military is ramping up materiel deliveries and intelligence sharing with Nigeria as part of a broader, more aggressive strategy under the Trump administration to counter Islamic State-linked militants across Africa, according to Lieutenant General John Brennan, deputy commander of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM).
In an interview with AFP on the sidelines of the inaugural U.S.-Nigeria Joint Working Group meeting in Abuja last week (around January 15–22, 2026), Brennan outlined how Washington is enabling African partners with fewer restrictions on equipment and capabilities to enhance their effectiveness against jihadist groups. "We've gotten a lot more aggressive and (are) working with partners to target, kinetically, the threats, mainly ISIS," Brennan stated. He emphasized a connected threat landscape "from Somalia to Nigeria," where the U.S. aims to disrupt networks by providing partners with actionable intelligence and resources.
This heightened cooperation follows surprise U.S. airstrikes on Christmas Day, December 25, 2025, targeting Islamic State-linked militants in northwestern Nigeria's Sokoto State. AFRICOM described the operation—conducted in coordination with Nigerian authorities—as precision strikes on ISIS camps, resulting in multiple militant fatalities. President Donald Trump announced the strikes on Truth Social, framing them as a response to what he called the "viciously killing" of Christians by "ISIS Terrorist Scum," and vowed more action if such violence continued. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth echoed the sentiment, posting "More to come... Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation. Merry Christmas!"
The strikes, reportedly involving Tomahawk missiles launched from a U.S. naval vessel off the coast, hit targets in areas like Tangaza district, associated with the Lakurawa group—locally viewed as a jihadist entity with suspected ties to Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP). Brennan clarified that the initial targets were militants primarily active in neighboring Niger but operating across the border. Nigerian officials, including the Defense Ministry, confirmed the strikes targeted "Islamic State terrorist enclaves" and praised the collaboration involving shared intelligence.
The Joint Working Group meeting in Abuja, held roughly a month after the strikes, aimed to institutionalize this partnership. It brought together high-level U.S. and Nigerian officials to discuss counterterrorism, religious freedom, and civilian protection. Charged dynamics emerged when Allison Hooker, Under Secretary of State (number three at the department), urged Nigeria "to protect Christians" and their right to practice faith freely and safely. Her speech, delivered without mentioning Muslim victims of armed groups, drew criticism for framing Nigeria's complex violence through a religious lens often promoted by U.S. conservative circles.
Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation with roughly equal Muslim and Christian populations (split north-south), has long grappled with overlapping conflicts: jihadist insurgencies in the northeast by Boko Haram and its ISWAP splinter (Islamic State West Africa Province), banditry and communal clashes in the northwest and north-central zones, and farmer-herder disputes exacerbated by climate and resource pressures. Independent analysts and Nigerian officials reject characterizations of a targeted "Christian genocide," arguing that violence affects communities across religious lines and stems from governance failures, poverty, and criminality rather than purely sectarian motives.
Brennan addressed these sensitivities, assuring that U.S. intelligence support would not be limited to protecting Christians. He described ISWAP as "our most concerning group" due to its size, sophistication, and ambitions, operating primarily in the northeast since its 2016 split from Boko Haram. Future U.S. assistance will focus on intelligence to enable Nigerian airstrikes in both the northwest (Sokoto region) and northeast (Lake Chad Basin), alongside sharing tactics, techniques, procedures, and facilitating equipment procurement with reduced restrictions.
This shift reflects the Trump administration's pivot toward more proactive kinetic operations against ISIS affiliates continent-wide. Brennan noted ongoing communication with militaries in junta-led Sahel states—Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger—despite their pivot away from Western partners toward Russia. "We still collaborate," he said, underscoring pragmatic engagement to counter shared threats.
For Nigeria, the enhanced support arrives amid persistent security challenges. Under President Bola Tinubu, operations like Hadin Kai (northeast) and Fasan Yamma (northwest/north-central) have neutralized hundreds of militants and degraded capabilities, but groups like ISWAP and Lakurawa continue attacks, kidnappings, and territorial control in ungoverned spaces. The U.S. role—providing enabling tools without direct ground involvement—aims to empower Nigerian forces while addressing humanitarian concerns.
The partnership builds on historical ties but navigates diplomatic tensions. Washington's pressure on religious freedom—evident in Nigeria's prior "Country of Particular Concern" designation for violations—intersects with security imperatives. The Joint Working Group serves as a platform for sustained dialogue, potentially expanding to broader issues like regional stability and countering al-Qaeda affiliates.
Analysts view the developments as a significant escalation in U.S. involvement in West African counterterrorism. While strikes disrupt operations short-term, long-term success depends on addressing root causes: governance deficits, economic inequality, and inclusive security strategies. Brennan's comments signal commitment to "African solutions to African problems" through partnered, intelligence-driven efforts.
As cooperation deepens, both sides emphasize mutual benefits—bolstering Nigeria's fight against extremism while advancing U.S. interests in preventing transnational threats from reaching American shores or allies.
