October 31, 2025
In a move that has ignited fears of authoritarian consolidation in the Caucasus nation, the ruling Georgian Dream party has formally petitioned the Constitutional Court to outlaw three of the country's largest opposition forces, accusing them of engaging in "radical and unconstitutional activities" that threaten the state's foundational order. The petition, announced on October 28 by Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili during a briefing in Tbilisi, targets the United National Movement (UNM), the Coalition for Change, and the Strong Georgia-Lelo bloc. These parties, all staunchly pro-Western, represent the bulk of Georgia's parliamentary opposition and have been at the forefront of protests against what critics describe as the government's slide toward one-party rule.
Papuashvili, a key architect of Georgian Dream's legislative agenda, framed the lawsuit as a necessary defense of constitutional integrity. "These political forces practically continuously deny both the domestic-political and foreign-political legitimacy of the current government and the ruling political party of Georgia, and accordingly, its constitutionality," he stated, emphasizing that the parties' actions pose "a real threat to the constitutional order." The speaker cited Article 23 of Georgia's Constitution, which empowers the court to dissolve parties whose goals include overthrowing or altering the constitutional order by force, undermining territorial integrity, or inciting violence and social discord. He added that the petition draws on a nearly 500-page report from a parliamentary Temporary Investigative Commission, which held 64 public hearings, interviewed 139 witnesses, and reviewed 778 citizen submissions. The report alleges widespread abuses by the UNM during its 2003–2012 rule, including human rights violations, media suppression, torture in prisons, and illegal surveillance—transgressions that, according to Papuashvili, have continued post-2012 through "anti-state" efforts like election sabotage and violent unrest.
The legal timeline is stark: Under Georgian law, the Constitutional Court must rule within nine months, potentially by July 2026, allowing ample time for appeals but also prolonging political uncertainty. Papuashvili clarified that the ban would not immediately affect 59 Lelo members elected to local councils in the October 4, 2025, municipal elections—out of respect for voter will—or restrict individual political activities at this stage. However, he warned that smaller allied groups, such as Girchi–More Freedom, Droa, Strategy Aghmashenebeli, and European Georgia, could face future scrutiny if they gain electoral traction. Notably spared is the fourth major opposition force, For Georgia (led by former Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia), which ended its year-long parliamentary boycott on October 28 and resumed legislative work, thereby avoiding accusations of "election sabotage."
The targeted parties swiftly condemned the petition as a blatant power grab. Tina Bokuchava, chair of the UNM—founded by imprisoned ex-President Mikheil Saakashvili—called it a "circus" orchestrated by an "illegitimate, Russian-backed regime," urging fragmented opposition groups to unite "now or never." The Coalition for Change, comprising Ahali, Girchi–More Freedom, and Droa, echoed this, labeling the move an attempt to "abolish democracy and Georgia as a democratic state." Irakli Kupradze, secretary-general of Strong Georgia-Lelo, decried it as a "dangerous step" by Bidzina Ivanishvili's "pro-Russian regime" to silence pro-European voices and impose a "Russia-style dictatorship." He vowed to fight in courts and on the streets, emphasizing Lelo's role since 2019 in breaking political bipolarity and advocating for citizens' rights. Mamuka Khazaradze, Lelo's co-founder and a prominent banker, posted defiantly on social media: "You are right to fear 'Strong Georgia.' We will make you pay anyway!"
This petition caps a year of escalating tensions in Georgia, an EU candidate country of 3.7 million wedged between Russia and Turkey. Georgian Dream, founded in 2012 by billionaire Ivanishvili—Georgia's richest man and de facto ruler—has dominated politics since ousting Saakashvili's UNM in what was hailed as a democratic breakthrough. Yet, under Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, the party has pivoted toward policies that Western observers decry as "democratic backsliding." Key flashpoints include the 2024 "foreign agents" law, modeled on Russia's, which mandates registration for organizations receiving over 20% foreign funding and has been used to stigmatize NGOs and media. An "anti-LGBT" law passed in 2024 bans "propaganda" of non-traditional relations, drawing parallels to Moscow's playbook.
The October 2024 parliamentary elections, marred by allegations of fraud, saw Georgian Dream secure 54% of the vote amid a boycott by much of the opposition. Protests erupted immediately, with tens of thousands marching in Tbilisi under the slogan "No to Russian Law," only for authorities to freeze EU accession talks in November 2024—a constitutional promise to 80% of Georgians who support integration. Kobakhidze has accused the EU of meddling and plotting "revolutions," while Ivanishvili's April 2024 open letter vowed to ban "anti-Georgian" parties linked to Saakashvili, whom he blames for the 2008 Russia war. Saakashvili, a U.S.-educated reformer who fled to Ukraine after 2012, returned dramatically in 2021 and was imprisoned on abuse-of-power charges; his sentence runs until 2030, and health concerns have fueled international calls for his release.
The October 26, 2025, municipal elections amplified the crisis. With turnout dipping to 41%—the lowest since 2014—Georgian Dream swept most councils, but violence marred voting: Over 150 protesters were detained in Tbilisi alone for blocking roads or wearing masks, now punishable by up to 15 days in jail under new anti-protest laws. These laws, enacted in October 2025, criminalize repeat offenses with up to four years' imprisonment for organizers causing "serious consequences," and bar "foreign agents" from politics. Rights groups report over 300 political detentions since January, including journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, sentenced to two years in August for protesting and awarded the European Parliament's 2025 Sakharov Prize.
Internationally, the response has been swift and alarmed. The EU's co-rapporteurs for Georgia, Edite Estrela and Sabina Cudic, warned that banning opposition would forge a "one-party system incompatible with Council of Europe standards." A October 2025 PACE resolution lambasted Tbilisi for ignoring democratic concerns and adopting "Russia-friendly policies," urging a fact-finding mission. The U.S. State Department echoed calls for restraint, while European Greens demanded sanctions on Georgian Dream officials. On X (formerly Twitter), figures like Estonian MP Eerik-Niiles Kross advocated targeted sanctions on all Dream leaders and families, labeling it a "blatant move toward dictatorship." NEXTA, a Belarusian exile outlet, highlighted the pro-Western bent of the targeted parties, noting daily Tbilisi protests accusing Dream of Moscow alignment.
Analysts see this as the culmination of Ivanishvili's vision for a "traditional values" Georgia, prioritizing Orthodox Christianity and Russian economic ties over EU reforms. Tourism, which generated $3.6 billion in January–September 2025 (up 5.1% year-on-year), bolsters the economy, but political instability risks investor flight. Opposition leaders like Bokuchava hope the ban threat unites rivals, while the Freedom Square movement plans a "Freedom Program for Georgia" within 30 days, outlining anti-authoritarian reforms.
As rain lashes Tbilisi—forecast for storms through November—protests persist, with activists decrying a "Kremlin blueprint" for silencing dissent. The Constitutional Court's composition, recently bolstered by a Georgian Dream appointee amid a judge's resignation, raises impartiality doubts. If approved, the bans could bar thousands from politics, entrenching Dream's hold until 2028 elections. For a nation that spearheaded the 2003 Rose Revolution, this petition isn't just legal theater—it's a litmus test for Georgia's European aspirations versus an illiberal drift.
Yet, resilience endures. Khazaradze's vow resonates: "We will make you pay anyway." With EU isolation looming and street heat unrelenting, Georgia's democracy hangs by a thread, its people the ultimate arbiters.
